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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ LITERACKICH POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT BIOLOGII DOŚWIADCZALNEJ IM. MARCELEGO NENCKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT HISTORII im. TADEUSZA MANTEUFFLA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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Two significant sphragistic source publications issued in 2012 and 2015 deal with seals on documents from the State Archive in Bydgoszcz and seal stamps from the State Archive in Poznań. Descriptions of seal images, contained in the cited publications, which could become models for future editions, inclined the author of the article to present his reflections on editing seals. The majority of the remarks pertain to the manner of constructing a description of armorial seals from the viewpoint of heraldry. Theses concerning the method of characterising seal imagery can be presented as follows: 1. A description of the seal image should not double information accessible in the illustration; 2. A description should contain expanding information (e.g. an identification of the motifs of deciphering the symbolic message); 3. All descriptions should possess a unified form and normalised contents; 4. A description must be maintained in a language adapted to the described contents, i.e. heraldic language and terminology must be applied to designate coats of arms, and descriptions of tools should use the names of specialist instruments in accordance with the terminology of suitable crafts and professions; 5. A description of armorial seals must take into account their dual character: a seal with a coat of arms (in the field a shield with an emblem) and a seal with an emblem (in the field an emblem without a shield); names of coats of arms should be used suitably for formulating descriptions of coats of arms; 7. In the course of depicting state emblems on “government’ seals one should take into account legal regulations upon whose basis the described emblem was created or modified. The use of precise terminology will make it possible to avoid interpretation misunderstandings, which at times are the consequences of the ambiguous language of the description.
Two visits paid to the Soviet Union by the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Józef Glemp, in 1988 were an unprecedented event within the context of the state–Church relations prevalent in the USSR. This article not only deals with their details but also shows them within a wide context of the political objectives of the Apostolic See steered by John Paul II, the policies of the General Wojciech Jaruzelski team in Poland, and the political plans of Mikhail Gorbachev within his perestroika programme, thus enhancing the diplomatic–pastoral significance of both journeys made by the Primate of Poland. The author proposed hypotheses explaining the reason why the significance of the visits paid by Cardinal Glemp, the first as part of an official delegation of the Apostolic See attending celebrations of the Millennium of the Christianization of Russia, was limited. At the same time, the article demonstrates the great rank of the Cardinal’s activity from the viewpoint of a revitalisation of Church administration in the member–countries of the former USSR and a revival of the socio–cultural life of Poles living in the East.
Under article 256 of the Treaty of Versailles, the states to which German territory was ceded, acquired all property and possessions situated therein belonging to the German Empire or to the German States. The technical part of this resolution for the former Prussian partition was regulated mainly by the Polish-German Agreement ceding the civilian administration signed in Berlin on 25 November 1919. The taking over of the state customs properties, initiated in Poznań province in January 1920, was concluded by the end of January of the following year.
The Union of Young Democrats (Związek Młodych Demokratów, ZMD), established in the wake of the October Thaw in Poland in 1956, despite its short history, an important episode in the history of political opposition in the People’s Republic of Poland. It was an attempt to create an openly operating independent youth organisation, with the support of a legally operating satellite in the form of the Democratic Party. This article aims to present the problems faced by members of the ZMD through the prism of the local and University ZMD Circle in Wrocław. <br>
The unique frontier encircling the Belgian enclaves was composed of electric barbed wire known as the „Wire of Death”, which took the lives of numerous victims and was the source of the tragic plight of all thus separated families. The border in question also divided small towns and villages, sometimes in half. The presented text discusses several such instances.
The United States of America played an undeniably pivotal role during the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. This article demonstrates the fact that President Wodrow Wilson was, until the last months of the war, hesitant to support the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. He gradually changed his standpoint over the spring and summer of 1918. It also proves that the Secretary of State Robert Lansing had a major effect on the President’s decision making. In contrast, the secret Peace Inquiry Bureau, or the group of experts named The Inquiry, established by Colonel House with the aim of tackling the issues of peace settlement, lacked inner coherence in terms of the future of Austria–Hungary after the war. The group’s representatives were long in favor of federalization, rather than of the empire’s dissolution.
Until recently, little has been known about the cooperation of baron Gustaw Manteuffel (1832–1916), an outstanding chronicler of Polish Livonia, with the Kwartalnik Historyczny, published in Lwów (L’viv, Lemberg). Manteuffel’s letters to Aleksander Semkowicz have recently been found in the collection of the Library of the University of L’viv. These are especially valuable as they will fill the gaps in the biography of the Polish-Livonian baron. One such gap is his cooperation with the editorial staff of the Kwartalnik Historyczny and Polish historians from Galicia. The correspondence sheds light on such matters as the way in which the periodical was smuggled into the country, where it was forbidden, and Manteuffel’s relations with Russian censorship. There is a brief mention of Manteuffel’s student years at Tartu.
The urban layout of the city of Łódź developed in the 1820s, when new industrial settlements were being established. The urban landscape created at that time consisted of three main parts: the Old Town, New Town, and Łódka, connected by the main meridional artery called Piotrkowska Street. The centre was to be formed with the New Market Square, an octagonal square at the axis of Piotrkowska Street in the central part of the New Town. It was to be given a representative character by two buildings: City Hall and the Augsburg Evangelical Church of the Holy Trinity, with a school added at a later time. However, the north-south elongation of the city, characteristic of Łódź, and the location of the New Market Square in its northern part, while the main industrial plants were clustered in the southern part, prevented the Market from becoming the city centre. During the dynamic development of the city in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the city centre as such began to crystalize at the middle section of Piotrkowska Street, under the strong influence of a new railway station being built in the neighbourhood of Łódź-Fabryczna. What was also important were investments by private entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, the area along the busy street lacked some elements essential for a city centre. There was no free space, no square for public gatherings, and no representative, monumental public buildings. In consequence, neither location became a city centre in the full sense of the word. In general, this situation has not changed today. Periods of reconstruction throughout the twentieth century, both in the interwar years and after 1945, have not borne fruit. In addition, the attempt in 2010 to create a New Centre of Łódź also ended in failure.
The urbarium of the ducal estate of Cieszyn (Teschen), known in the literature as the ‘Cieszyn Urbarium of 1621’, has not survived in the original but only in a copy from 1653. The urbarium records a certain Adam Matloch, who purchased land in Marklowice in 1644, which provokes the question of whether the data in the urbarium reflect the state of 1621. A detailed analysis reveals the complexity of the information of this urbarium and suggests the method of preparing the copies of this type of source – with updates taken into account and deleted fragments omitted. It turns out that, contrary to its common name, the urbarium is a compilation of entries from 1621 to 1643, with the majority of entries reflecting the state of aff airs from c. 1640.
Using data collected during the inter-war period, the article seeks to identify long-term biological effects of food shortages and the increased incidence of contagious diseases during the First World War on a population of pupils of Cracow schools. This goal is achieved through an analysis of the remaining source materials from 1919–33 concerning the height of the population in question. The study found that the impact of the war manifests itself in a lower average height of pupils born in 1915 and in delayed puberty among the cohorts of 1912–15. The article also lists the potential consequences of such drastic long-term effects of the war.
Usually, American presidents’ wives enjoyed their compatriots’ affection. Some played signifi cant roles in their spouses’ administrations, although in a formal legal sense, they had no state responsibilities. The evolution of their roles and the increasing public activity of many of them, particularly in the 20th and 21st centuries, have resulted in lasting changes to the American presidency. In the diverse pantheon of American female presidents, President Woodrow Wilson’s second wife, Edith Bolling Wilson, holds a special place because of her unprecedented role in her husband’s administration. This article aims to provide an overview of her activities as First Lady (from December 1915 to March 1921), with a particular focus on her role and enormous influence on presidential decisions and American politics from the autumn of 1919, i.e., during Wilson’s illness. <br>
The utilization of consistorial sources is a research postulate that has been voiced repeatedly over the years. These materials comprise a compact volume of data that are both organized serially and mass-produced, while the fact that they touch upon a wealth of topics and thus have considerable cognitive value for interdisciplinary studies cannot be overestimated. Magdalena Biniaś-Szkopek’s book is a pioneering study and, at the same time, a successful attempt at making comprehensive use of the nine oldest registers of the consistorial court of Poznań. The ledgers cover the years 1404–26 and contain entries devoted to ‘marital issues’ in the broadest meaning of the term, with particular consideration being given to the complex position of women who took part in proceedings before mediaeval ecclesiastical courts.
Wapiński R., Polityka i politycy. O polskiej scenie politycznej XX wieku, Wrocław 2006.
The war and occupation history of Suwałki and Suwałki region is associated almost exclusively with the German aggression and the later annexation of this territory to the Third Reich. Initially, however, the area was under the Soviet occupation, according to the provisions of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact of 23 August 1939. The article describes military operations of the Soviets and attitudes of the local population, diverse both in terms of ethnicity and religion. At the beginning of the war there were no conflicts in the analysed region, characteristic of the Polish Eastern Frontiers, which allows us to conduct research with no later influences resulting from the long Soviet occupation.
The weekly Przegląd Kulturalny, distinguishing itself from other socio-cultural magazines by, essentially, a much wider range of topics, became a tasty morsel for one of the political factions within the party. In order to take over the magazine, at first the faction had to undermine Władysław Gomułka’s confidence in the editor of Przegląd Kulturalny and prove that the involvement of the paper in promoting the affairs of the party was insufficient. The aim was achieved when the weekly was closed in June 1963. The article describes the last two years of its operation and reveals the backstage actions to close the periodical. The authorities decided, despite strong objection of the literary circles, to combine the two popular weeklies: Przegląd Kulturalny and Nowa Kultura, which in practice, however, meant that the two of them were closed, and replaced by a new, submissive to the state authorities, weekly Kultura.
What is now left to discover is the text of the Stalin document transmitted for Orlemanski by Father Marie Leopold Braun A. A., from Moscow to the Vatican and the Roman Curia’s full analysis of this document. That must await the declassification of the Pope Pius XII records held by the Vatican. What is clear is that the Rev. Stanislaus Orlemanski, although a leftist, was not a radical anomaly but rather an intensely pro–Polish US citizen who saw the sole enemy as Germany and supported any organization that fought against the enemy.
What reasons stood behind the instability of the power position of Russia over the last 130 years? This analysis, covering three periods of time: 1890–1913, 1980–1991, and 2000–2020, reveals astonishing similarities of structural economic problems that led to severe economic and socio-political crises. Despite different causes, each time the crisis was triggered by insufficient savings compared to needs resulting from a program of economic modernisation and imperial policy, low competitiveness of industry, and dependence on export of raw materials. These vulnerabilities of Russia became especially apparent under extraordinary circumstances (wars, economic blockades, sanctions).
When Augustus II the Strong (1670–1733) converted from the Protestant to the Catholic confession, he guaranteed his subjects – all Lutheran – the free exercise of their religion and belief. He also respected their wish not to allow the ‘new’ old confession emerge too overtly in the motherland of Martin Luther and the Reformation. Consequently, the Catholic chapels he built during his reign in Saxony were constructed in private in order to assure the peaceful co-existence of the confessions. What may appear to be a tolerant religious policy was in fact almost the contrary: This article will briefly illuminate the historical and political background of Augustus’ decisions, while the main focus will be to examine the newly installed Catholic court chapels.
When, half a century ago, Tadeusz Szturm de Sztrem from the Polish Scientific Publishers PWN approached Zbigniew Landau and Jerzy Tomaszewski with a proposal to edit for publication ‘The Chronicle of the Years of War and Occupation’ by Ludwik Landau, they were aware both of historical significance of that work and of difficulties they would face. Today, they are still convinced not only that it was unprecedented in Polish and European memoirist and chronicle literature but also that it is the most important chronicle document written in Polish, and probably in other languages, pertaining to World War II. The editors do not disparage chronicles by other authors that were written in Poland and survived all ravages of time. In their opinion, however, Ludwik Landau’s ‘Chronicle’ is distinguished by its particular features, since the author departed from the method of describing personal experiences. His ‘Chronicle’ attempts to present the war not through the prism of the author’s personal participation in events but in an impersonal, objective manner, trying to create a general picture, resulting from the experiences of the whole nation rather than an individual.The author of the ‘Chronicle’, Ludwik Landau, was a scholar, sociologist and economist, who had learned how to critically confront various sources, starting from the German press, to underground press (which had access to the Radio news and information from the network of Polish underground intelligence); he also gathered news from individuals through his personal contacts with Warsaw inhabitants, by various ways. An important source was German legislations, critically confronted with the articles and information from the German press. All that material was analysed by the author, and his commentaries and conclusions are of great importance for contemporary historians.Of special value are information from his own observations and personal contacts. On this basis he was able to conclude about the moods of Warsaw inhabitants, occasionally also about the relations in the countryside. A contemporary historian can confront this abundant material with the knowledge from documentation rendered available after the war, sometimes many years later, gained from other sources.
When in 1719 Augustus II of Poland made an attempt to emancipate himself from the influence of the Russian emperor, the latter entered into alliance with the Prussian king, with the intent of preventing emancipation of the monarch and his country. The alliance concluded by Tsar Peter the Great with King Frederick William I of Prussia expressed the substantial interests of both monarchies. It was all about keeping watchful oversight of political and military weakness of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and rendering the country isolated in the international arena. The programme established by Petersburg and Berlin remained valid until the end of the eighteenth century and the final, third, partition of Poland. The monarchs guaranteed that they would do everything possible to prevent the Polish constitutional system from altering (keeping the king’s rights restrained against the liberties maintained – primarily the liberum veto and free election of monarch), and treasury and military reforms from implementing. The preponderance over the Commonwealth implied the participation of Russia in what is termed the concert of the European powers. For the country of the Hohenzollerns, the debilitation of the nobility-based republic was, in turn, an opportunity for increasing the its territory, which had been policy energetically pursued since the Great Elector Frederick William’s reign (1640–88). For these reasons, the whole series of Russo-Prussian alliance treaties (1726, 1729, 1740, 1743, 1764, 1769, and 1772) comprised provisions regarding Polish affairs. The range of the issues covered by these bipartite agreements was ever-broadening, extending to the dissenters’ affair, among other things. Other reasons stood behind the inclusion of clauses related to the Commonwealth in Russian-Austrian treaties. Of substantial importance was the antagonism prevalent in the Reich between Austria and Prussia, which from 1740 onwards turned into acrimonious hostility. The Viennese Burg, which solicited favour from Petersburg, endeavoured to persuade its Russian ally that it was ready and willing to replace the Prussian partner in Poland-related matters of importance to Russia (cf. the treaties of 1726, 1730, 1733, 1746). Discussed is also a never-ratified tripartite agreement of 1732 – the so-called Löwenwolde’s treaty – which was momentous for the designs of the contracting parties, as well as the partition treaties of 1772.
When studying the history and transformations of public spaces in the nineteenth-century city, it is possible to distinguish certain complexes of problems that are shared by various types of this space. In this article, the author analyses such questions as the emergence and functioning of public urban parks in the Polish Kingdom and Galicia in the nineteenth century (up to 1914) in order to indicate and describe in what way the parks, which in that period were also called gardens or walks, jointly created the public space of the city. Their emergence in the eighteenth and at the turn of the nineteenth centuries was related to aristocratic culture, but the nature of the urban garden in the nineteenth century was associated with the world of images and ideals of the middle class. Accents of the significance of these complexes were associated with the state and municipal authorities, but it would be difficult to talk about a clear manifestation of the structures of power and domination. An examination of the everyday functioning of these parks makes it possible for us to analyse – on the basis of concrete examples – social changes and arising conflicts (social, economic, and ethnic) in the rapidly developing urban centres, and also the development of capitalism and culture of consumption (consumerism) in the lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth situated in the peripheral areas of the West.
Whereas a barracks-sports farce titled Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad belongs to a bigger group of films which in this popular form were taking up the subject of exceptional and unique on the world scale events – Czechoslovak Spartakiads, with their most spectacular part in the form of mass gymnastic compositions performed at the Strahov Stadium in Prague. The fictional history of soldiers, who – overcoming their limitations and reverses of fortune, were preparing a composition of artistic gymnastics for the Spartakiads, was combined with documental shots of the real performing sports compositions at the Strahov in 1980. It inscribes into the normalized film “formats”, that is the tested and “patented” stylistic and genre formulas used by the authorities as “soft” means of propaganda and indoctrination. The way in which Strnad presents military and sport homosocial relations, together with a domination in the film of the element of masculinity and the specific “complex of male corporality”, imply some special interrelation between the erotisation of the male body, ideological directives, and political needs. What is more, according to Szymański, they also indicate that the purpose of the communist authorities was not only the “standard” creation and propagation of “appropriate” models of “real” masculinity, but also such shaping of male corporality and eroticism that they would support the existing political order instead of subverting it, and replicate the normalized “arrangement of sexuality”. In this context the author looks closely at the Spartakiada’s mass gymnastic exercises demon-strated by male gymnasts, and especially at the hugely popular shows performed by almost fourteen thousand of half-naked soldiers, which were an unprecedented in the communist public space celebration of male physicality and sensuality, characterised by special idealisation and aestheticisation, outstanding choreography and spectacular figures of the performers, erotic dialectics of clothes and nudity, and the condensation of tension which was gradually and sophisticatedly built. In these shows, the instrumentalisation of gender and eroticism, characteristic of Spartiakiads in general, was followed by the instrumentalisation of codes of homosexual look and desire, neutralisation of inversive connotations – were harnessed for the use of normalization. Homosexual phantasms which in the time of Krška could have been a stimulant of personal expression and practice of opposition, and at least an internal shelter and refuge, twenty years later were appropriated, manipulated and instrumentalised by the communist authorities, becoming part of their system normalizing procedures, a tool for ordering or “arranging sexuality” in accordance with political lines, and an instrument of self-totalitaring and self-harnessing actions.
Wherever the town owners did not literally grant the settlement official, i.e. founder (Pol. zasadźca), or the commune itself, full rights to privileged trading facilities, they reserved the competences to shape the size, location and appearance of their complexes. Decisions in this regard formed an element of economic and fiscal policy towards the town, albeit not always – they could also be part of a planned vision of the town or city (the way space was divided could decide about the town’s economy), or flexibly adapted to needs formulated by the interested groups of townspeople. The size of cloth halls and rich stall complexes was supposed to reflect the economic potential of the town, and the size of the complexes of butcher stalls and chambers – the consumption needs of the population. However, in the latter case there were significant deviations, which manifested themselves in strict adherence to artificially established models and traditions rather than in flexibility. The data concerning the number of trade stalls, although still undervalued in historiography, are an important source for research into the history of individual towns and cities, even though they may be less useful for comparative approaches.
While analysing the legislative output of the interwar Republic of Poland, most Polish researchers highlight the significant achievements of the so-called Codification Commission established in 1919, whose twenty years of efforts resulted in the drafting of a host of important codes and other acts of high legislative value. This output, however, could only be put to a very short-lived use in the 1930s. Its full potential was not unleashed until after the Second World War, in a completely changed political reality. On a day-to-day basis, the Polish state of the interwar period faced a number of issues that it either desired to overcome or was forced to do so. One of them was the crippled legal status of women, particularly jarring in the reality of the interwar times. Although the reborn Polish statehood, true to lofty democratic ideals, immediately took it upon itself to change the clearly underprivileged legal status of women, the final effect, that is the legislation in force as at the outbreak of the Second World War, looks meagre. The modern codification had not been adopted, the legal particularism in the scope of civil law had been maintained, the anachronistic codification of the preceding century upheld – the ideals of equal rights for women were made a very much imperfect reality. In this article, we attempt to trace the history of how this came to be by examining difficulties in introducing the principle of equality of women’s rights. The example we have chosen serves to shed light on the mundane efforts to overcome the mounting problems with realizing ideas of modernization upon the underlying legal foundations of a country which, at first sight, seems utterly ill-prepared to tackle this task properly.
Whilst Poland appears today as a paradigmatic example of a homogeneous, exclusive national and cultural identity, reinforced by the hegemonic historical policy of a semi-authoritarian state, it is also challenged by Polish minority histories (civilian, multi-ethnic, non-Catholic, women). The main concern of the present article is the plural ‘Polishness’ that emerges from the constellation of these non-default histories. To examine the frictions of historical narratives in action, authors use spaces of historical museums as a field of observation, perceiving them as memory agents fostering not only confrontational but also negotiative memory politics. To identify situations in which tensions between the ‘central’ Polishness and its unorthodox variants are particularly evident, the paper takes a look at ‘non-central’ Polish territories i.e. ‘post-German’ areas, characterized by a complex heterogeneous past in which Germanness and Polishness, but also ‘Silesianness’ or ‘Borderlandness’ mutually clash and dialogue. Analysis of selected exhibitions’ construction reveals peculiarities of different local contexts in transitional spaces and strategies of resolving creeping conflicts between ‘the Polishness’ and plural, peripheral ‘Polishnesses’. As authors argue, these case studies – instead of a static model of open memory conflict and binaries – offer dynamic models of memory, and allow to introduce the concept of memory frictions. <br>
Why in Poland social realism collapsed relatively easily and what was the role played by the basic groups of society? The following are the attempts to answer: The order of real socialism was vegetating because, firstly, because it was imposed from outside, and finally it collapsed when the Soviet occupation in Poland ended; secondly, because it was becoming less and less efficient, at least towards the increasing social expectations; thirdly, because in the case of the youth historical references (how it used to be before WW2) were being replaced by geographical references (how it is today somewhere else, in the West); fourthly, because it was generally accounted for its own values and the promises that were as noble as utopian in the 20th century; fifthly, because for various, also surprising, reasons it was deserted (betrayed) by its first beneficiaries and guardians (for instance, for their own benefits); sixthly, because also or especially everyday life of the end of the 1980s was characterised by food shortages, even to the limit of undernourishment; and finally seventh, what was the Polish year of 1989: a revolution, coup d’état or restoration? Yes, first and foremost the latter.
William Bullitt’s 1919 mission to Russia was the final stage of a process initiated on the eve of the Paris Peace Conference and continued in the first weeks of the Conference, in particular during the sessions of the Supreme Council, also called the Council of Ten. The Allied discourse addressed the vital question of Russia’s place and role in building a lasting, stable international order. The questions: “what to do with Russia?” and “what course of action to adopt towards her?” were accompanied by the dilemma of whether to continue diplomatic non-recognition of Bolshevik rule and pursue an economic blockade and military intervention. With out the participation of Bolshevik Russia, heir to the great empire of the tsars, it seemed impossible to build a new world order. Although racked by revolution, civil war, and economic chaos, Russia still held the key to establishing a lasting world peace.
With the end of the Second World War, the feldsher’s profession was regulated by legal acts dating back to the interwar period. The leading act was the Act of 1 July 1921, on the feldsher’s profession, which briefly defined the feldsher’s qualifications. The key legal act regulating the legal position of feldsher was a law passed by the Legislative Sejm on 20 July 1950, on the feldsher’s profession. The feldsher’s powers were divided into two groups: activities performed independently (that is, in feldsher’s points and non-public health care institutions) as well as activities carried out non-independently – that is, under the guidance of a physician. The issues related to professional secrecy and disciplinary liability were regulated separately. Trying to determine the feldsher’s position in the system at that time, during the legislative work, it was recognized that it would be a profession between a doctor and a nurse. The reason for the adoption of such a solution was the possibility of performing small independent treatments, to whose performance a nurse was not authorized. Initially, the feldsher’s profession enjoyed the great interest of those willing to practice the profession. At this time, medical publications often presented the social advancement of feldsher school students, who continued their medical education after graduation. However, the interest in the feldsher’s profession gradually began to decline and the school year 1962/1963 was the last period of the feldsher’s education in Poland. The last feldsher school functioned then in Warsaw. From this moment on, the feldsher’s profession was left to its own devices. Since 1956, the feldsher’s qualifications have been extended to the possibility of working in sobering stations. Further powers were awarded to the feldsher in the 1960s, including issuing death certificates, diagnosing venereal diseases during medical examinations in sobering stations, and the inclusion of this profession in the fight against infectious diseases. In the case of the feldsher’s profession, the issues of a prestigious nature, such as the introduction of appropriate decorations similar to those of the physician or nurse, for instance long-term seniority, were also omitted. The feldsher’s profession was recalled when Poland entered the European Union structures, which led to the introduction of a new regulation in 2005 regulating the scope of activities to which the feldsher was qualified.
Within Polish eastern policies this outstanding diplomat regarded as essential support for the liberation of nations dominated by Russia and the construction around the latter’s borders of independent national states. He espoused the creation of an independent Ukrainian state, but at the time of the war opposed embarking upon a discussion about “great Ukraine”. In doing so, Knoll stressed that while considering the Lithuanian, Byelorussian or Ukrainians questions Poland should remain concerned predominantly with the integrity of its territory. Even in April 1944, when he admitted to the possibility of Poland accepting concessions concerning the eastern frontier, he treated such a solution as a necessary evil and was well aware of the fact that the Soviet Union remained a hazard to the independence and sovereignty of the Polish Republic.
Within the broad spectrum of research issues involved in the assassination, there are some worthy of special attention, such as the organisation of King Alexander I’s visit to France, characteristics of the assassin, internal situation in Yugoslavia after the monarch’s death, the stand on the assassination of other states, as well as the investigation launched into the attack and an attempt to internationalise it.
Within various fields of social sciences, populism is being constantly re-conceptualised to create a possibly most holistic definition of the phenomenon, one which would encompass all of its structural features and allow it to be applied to the largest number of empirical manifestations. Nonetheless, across different disciplines a growing consensus gains traction to define populism through the framework of ideology. As such, populism is understood as possessing a capability to attach itself to more powerful ideological concepts – nationalism, socialism, fascism. Thus, the central question in the study of populism as ideology needs to focus on the mechanics of strengthening populism in a given case. What makes one populism more radical than another? Using Freeden’s ideational approach and Mudde’s work on factors influencing intensity and efficiency of populism, this paper argues that the perception of the past in a given community, constructed through collective memory policies and expressed by means of historical revisionism, works as a ‘thickening agent’ fostering electoral success and increasing political durability of populist governance. Although seeking to create primarily a theoretical contribution, it will also encompass evidence of that modality from studying collective memory policies under Poland’s Law and Justice Party rule between 2015 and 2019. <br>
The Women’s League was the most numerous, official and accepted by the communist authorities women’s movement in the Polish People’s Republic. It carried out ideologicaland propaganda activities within women’s communities, and implemented the offi cial government policy towards women. The Women’s League propagated professional work of women,running of more effi cient and modern household, and was to represent interests of differentfemale environments. In the Łódź district, the League was one of the most active and numerous in Poland.
The works under review here are impressive examples of popular history informed by cutting-edge academic research, yet they fail to overcome the limitations resulting from acceptance of normative schemes of nation and empire building. They should be read, first and foremost, as polemical interventions that cannot be separated from the political context of the present Russo-Ukrainian conflict.
Władysław Gomułka was the Polish communist leader who, most probably, played the most important role in the history of Poland. In the years 1943–48 he was the Secretary of the Polish Workers’ Party, and next, from 1956 to 1970, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. According to the rule ‘the more power the more responsibility’, which had particular significance in non-democratic systems, Gomułka was responsible or co-responsible for everything good but also for everything bad that happened in Poland during his rule. At the same time he is this Polish communist leader, on whose life and activity over twenty books were published. One of the recent ones was published by Anita Prażmowska. Unfortunately, this is not a successful attempt.
Władysław Litmanowicz, an officer of the Red Army and the Polish Army, a judge of the Military District Court, was also one of the most important post-war chess activists. He combined his activity in the Polish Chess Union with his journalistic work for the “Szachy” (Chess) monthly in 1950–1983. He was also the author of numerous valuable books on the history of chess game both in a Polish and international arena. Editor Władysław Litmanowicz had also a second nature – he was a judge of Military District Courts in Cracow, Kielce and Warsaw. He was a strict judge who sentenced to death fifteen soldiers of the second conspiracy for independence, and activists of the anti-communist opposition. He was never held responsible for his participation in the Stalinist judiciary, on the contrary, he was awarded with the highest state awards and recognitions as late as in the 1980s.
Włodzimierz Sokorski is regarded as one of the most colourful characters associated with the power elite of the Polish People’s Republic, although there are no scientifi c attempts to verify his real position among politically infl uential people and his relations with them. The latter could have had a significant impact on the degree of the party apparatus’ interference with the work he was per-forming on different positions he held. The purpose of the article is to fill in these gaps for the period when Włodzimierz Sokorski was a president of the Radio Committee (1956–72). Basing on the analysis of both archival and printed sources, the author outlines the circumstances related to Sokorski’s appointment to the chairmanship of the Committee together with the importance of his relations with Władysław Gomułka and Zenon Kliszko for his future political career, and the reasons for which he was dismissed from the Committee under Edward Gierek team. A considerable place is devoted to the reflections on President Sokorski’s attitude in crucial moments for the government system (‘Polish months’). On the margin of the article, a problem of personnel purges in the Polish Radio and Television was raised, the largest taking place during his tenure in 1957–59 and in March ’68.
The years 1945–1947 was a stormyperiod in the history of the south-easternlands of today’s Poland. At that time, the territories were under political and armed activity of anti-communist Polish and Ukrainianundergrounds. They were fought against,albeit to a different extent, by the contemporary Polish authorities and supportingthem Soviet apparatus of repression and thearmy. It was there that in the spring of 1945the post-Home Army Underground on theone side, and Banderites Underground onthe other agreed on a truce, respected to theVistula Operation in 1947.
Zbigniew Herbert was one of the most outstanding Polish poets of the twentieth century. The article presents an analysis of three monographs devoted to him, written by Joanna Siedlecka, Andrzej Franaszek, and Rafał Żebrowski. The editions of his correspondence and memories of the poet are taken into consideration. Differences in the depiction of Herbert’s biography are shown against the background of disputes about the recent history.
The Zionist movement, born at the end of the nineteenth century, called for the establishment of an independent state for the Jews. The development of the Zionist idea and the restoration of Jewish statehood was accompanied by restoring Hebrew into a language of daily use. Hebrew became the gateway to Israel. The first Hebrew lesson triggered the process of initiation into the new culture. The adoption of Hebrew was accompanied by an identity transgression that crossed many boundaries set by cultural norms associated with Diaspora languages. This process was not always quick and unambiguous. It was not infrequently accompanied by a state of limbo between old and new lifestyles, habits and requirements accompanying acclimatization to new living conditions in Israel.
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